Counting civilian casualties in CIA ’ s drone war A report released in September by human rights researchers at Stanford Law School and New York University Law School sets out to demonstrate that U . S . drone policies are " damaging and counterproductive . " Media outlets from CNN to BBC hailed the report as new evidence of the U . S . government ’ s false narrative on drones and the New York Times ‘ Scott Shane described the study as " among the most thorough on the subject to date . " While the Stanford - NYU report certainly presents a comprehensive review of existing drone research , its new contributions to the evidentiary record are far more modest than its sweeping conclusions would suggest . Number Crunching The U . S . government claims that civilian casualties caused by drones are in the " single digits " during Obama ’ s years in office , while the Stanford - NYU report seeks to establish that there is significant evidence that U . S . drone strikes have killed and injured a larger number of civilians . This is a low bar , and would merely necessitate proving that more than 10 civilians have been killed by drones since Obama assumed office , a claim that has been made by all three major databases aggregating information on drone strikes . The Stanford - NYU report goes further , claiming that between 474 and 881 civilians have been killed since 2004 . However , this does not represent new evidence . Stanford and NYU researchers made no attempt to offer new statistical analysis on the number of civilian casualties caused by drones . Rather , their report is essentially an extended endorsement of a database compiled by The Bureau of Investigative Journalism , a small team of journalists based out of City University , London . In doing so , the report rejects the findings of two other widely cited databases , The Long War Journal , which reports 138 civilian deaths and New America Foundation ’ s Year of the Drone , which lists 152 - 191 civilian deaths and the deaths of 130 - 268 " unknowns . " If the Stanford - NYU team wants to paint a picture of the U . S . as a human rights abuser , then the Bureau , whose casualty statistics dwarf the more conservative estimates of the other databases , is best suited to that purpose , but that does not make it the most reliable source . While a comprehensive assessment of the Bureau ’ s data should have been conducted before giving it a resounding endorsement , just a cursory review of its account of 2012 ’ s drone strikes reveals problems : – On May 5 , 2012 the Bureau reports that a strike in North Waziristan killed 8 - 10 people , of whom between zero and ten are listed as civilians . Upon reviewing the accompanying sources one find that early reports said the identity of the dead could not be determined , but subsequent reports from government officials identified them as militants . Of the 15 sources cited by the Bureau , not one states that the victims were civilians . - On June 2 , 2012 the Bureau reports that 2 - 4 people were killed and between zero and two of them were civilians . These civilian deaths were inferred based on a report that a motorbike was accidentally hit , but the Bureau fails to take note of a later report from The Express Tribune identifying the motorbike victims as suspected militants Khalil Yargul Khail and Rehmanullah Gangi Khail . - On July 23 , 2012 the Bureau references 25 sources for a drone strike , only one of which described the victims as local residents and based on this the Bureau reports that up to 14 civilians were killed . The Stanford - NYU report critiques the Long War Journal for not making its data available in a verifiable strike - by - strike format , over - relying on U . S . intelligence sources , and identifying all victims as militants unless they are specifically identified as civilians . These are reasonable criticisms , but when the critique turns to New America Foundation research , it becomes logically inconsistent . While Stanford - NYU researchers admit that all three databases rely on " the same universe of publicly available press reports , " they criticize only the New America Foundation for over - relying on the anonymous Pakistani government officials cited in such news reports . The Stanford - NYU report laments that these officials are cited in 88 % of articles referenced in New America ’ s 2012 data but fails to consider that these same articles are referenced by the Bureau . Furthermore , the only reason the researchers were able to generate that statistic is because New America compiles a highly transparent summary of media sources relied on for each strike with a list of which sources reported which casualty estimates , something no other database provides . The Stanford - NYU report goes on to question the " deep reporting " capabilities of New America ’ s sources ( The New York Times , Reuters , AP , BBC , etc . ) while uncritically accepting the veracity of reports from fringe outlets such as the Kuwait News Agency , the South Asian News Agency , Central Asia Online , and Punjab News , which are sometimes the sole sources for the Bureau ’ s reports of civilian casualties . This is not to suggest that the Bureau ’ s research is without merit , but it should be noted that it represents an interpretation of the facts with a bias toward reporting civilian casualties . The Bureau ’ s database does not even have a category for reporting militant deaths . It seems counter - intuitive that the organization ’ s researchers can have such absolute faith in their civilian casualty estimates , but not have the confidence to label any of the deceased as militants . And the Stanford - NYU team was not impartial . By the report ’ s own admission , the research project it undertook in Pakistan to interview family members of drone strike victims was commissioned by Reprieve , a UK based advocacy organization . Reprieve , which filed two lawsuits on behalf of alleged drone victims in May of 2012 , arranged , paid for and collaborated on many of the victim interviews conducted by the Stanford - NYU researchers . No database is perfect , but a strong argument could be made that the New America Foundation ’ s policy of attempting to identify both militants and civilians while maintaining an explicit category for " unknowns " to represent the uncertainty surrounding many of the strikes is a more balanced representation of the facts . After all , if the public is to assess the efficacy of drone strikes then we need to consider the strikes that hit their targets as well as the ones that do not . Stanford and NYU ’ s analysis of the three drone databases , in some respects , misses the forest for the trees . A comparison of the annual data collected by the Bureau with that compiled by the New America Foundation suggests that while their numbers may differ , their underlying findings are substantially similar . Both the Bureau and New America have observed a general decline in the percentage of civilian fatalities since the high in 2006 , with a sharp decrease during the Obama administration . According to the Bureau ’ s data , the proportion of civilians killed in drone strikes fell from 35 percent in 2008 under President Bush to 9 percent thus far in 2012 . Similarly , New America reports that the rate of civilian and unknown casualties decreased from 23 percent in 2008 to 2 percent in 2012 . This stands to reason when we consider that the Bureau tends to err on the side of assuming that unidentified dead or individuals of disputed identity are civilians , while New America prefers to accommodate ambiguity by listing " unknowns " and only reports a civilian or militant casualty when it is reported by two independent sources . If one takes the average number of civilian and unknown deaths counted by the New America Foundation from 2004 - 2012 as a percentage of the total number of people killed in drone strikes , the civilian and unknown deaths represent 15 percent of the total . The Bureau ’ s data suggests that civilian deaths account for 22 percent of the total killed . These numbers are in fact , not so very far apart . And while the Bureau has criticized New America for reporting that in 2012 , civilian deaths are approaching zero , the Bureau ’ s own data suggests that the percentage of civilian casualties in 2012 is at nine percent , an all - time low and significantly less than the 23 percent the Bureau reports during Obama ’ s first year in office . This suggests that the choice is not between two very different data sets , but rather two different interpretations of similar evidence . Contrary to the Stanford - NYU report ’ s claims , the New America Foundation is not underreporting civilian casualties ; its researchers have simply chosen not to feign certainty in the face of ambiguity . What They Didn ’ t Say The Stanford - NYU researchers also fail to incorporate evidence that might temper their claims . Their report makes numerous references to an AP investigative report that interviewed 80 villagers at the sites of the ten deadliest attacks in 2011 and 2012 but neglects its conclusions that " a significant majority of the dead were combatants " and the numbers of casualties gathered by AP investigators " turned out to be very close to those given by Pakistani intelligence on the day of each strike . " Numerous media accounts , including the LA Times , have highlighted that " the [ Stanford - NYU ] study concludes that only about 2 percent of drone casualties are top militant leaders . " The study reached no such conclusion . This claim is based on research conducted by New America and published last month on CNN . While the Stanford - NYU report summarily dismissed New America ’ s militant and civilian casualty estimates , they have been quick to make this statistic a centerpiece of their argument . In doing so , they also take the conclusion out of context , and ignore the possible tactical utility of deliberately targeting low - level militants . Indeed , destroying communication centers , training camps and vehicles undermines the operational effectiveness of al - Qaeda and the Taliban , and quotes from operatives of the Pakistan - based Haqqani Network reveal that drones have forced them into a " jungle existence " where they fear for the lives on a daily basis . A second key contention of the Stanford - NYU report is that drone strikes are " damaging and counterproductive " to U . S . national security . However , it is shortsighted to evaluate U . S . security in isolation from Pakistani domestic order . Terrorist attacks have been a pervasive problem in Pakistan , especially since 2007 . While the report references these attacks and the frequent assassinations carried out by Taliban forces , it makes no reference to recent research by an analyst at the RAND Corporation , who identifies a negative correlation between drone strikes and militant violence inside Pakistan , indicating that the rate of violence has gone down as the rate of drone strikes has gone up . Analysis by New America suggests that while only 10 percent of drone strikes target al - Qaeda operatives , approximately 50 percent hit Taliban targets and in 2009 , 19 of the first 32 drone strikes targeted the organization of Baitullah Mehsud , the leader of the Pakistani Taliban who was ultimately responsible for the deaths of thousands of Pakistanis , and the alleged mastermind of the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto . Mehsud was a far greater threat to Pakistani security than that of the United States . Key Findings These criticisms are not to suggest that the Stanford - NYU report is without merit . The anecdotal evidence on the adverse mental health impact of drones , the economic hardships created by attacks and the restriction of movement caused by FATA residents ’ anxiety about potential strikes are all valuable contributions to the public ’ s understanding of drones , as is the report ’ s succinct and cogent summary of some of the key legal issues . Both of these topics merit further research and the teams at Stanford and NYU seem well poised to continue contributing in these areas . However it would be a mistake to unequivocally accept all of the report ’ s conclusions or its stance on the civilian casualty debate . The U . S . government ’ s claims that civilian casualties from drone strikes during Obama ’ s term in office are in the single digits are manifestly untrue , but there is no need to overstate the rate of civilian deaths to make the point that drones strikes are legally suspect and morally hazardous . Meg Braun is a Rhodes Scholar and MPhil candidate in International Relations at Oxford , where she is researching the evolution of U . S . drone policy . She was an intern at the New America Foundation during summer 2012 , where she worked to revise and update its drone database .

Counting civilian casualties in CIA’s drone warA report released in September by human rights researchers at Stanford Law School and New York University Law School sets out to demonstrate that U.S. drone policies are "damaging and counterproductive."Media outlets from CNN to BBC hailed the report as new evidence of the U.S. government’s false narrative on drones and the New York Times‘ Scott Shane described the study as "among the most thorough on the subject to date."While the Stanford-NYU report certainly presents a comprehensive review of existing drone research, its new contributions to the evidentiary record are far more modest than its sweeping conclusions would suggest.Number CrunchingThe U.S. government claims that civilian casualties caused by drones are in the "single digits" during Obama’s years in office, while the Stanford-NYU report seeks to establish that there is significant evidence that U.S. drone strikes have killed and injured a larger number of civilians. This is a low bar, and would merely necessitate proving that more than 10 civilians have been killed by drones since Obama assumed office, a claim that has been made by all three major databases aggregating information on drone strikes. The Stanford-NYU report goes further, claiming that between 474 and 881 civilians have been killed since 2004.However, this does not represent new evidence. Stanford and NYU researchers made no attempt to offer new statistical analysis on the number of civilian casualties caused by drones. Rather, their report is essentially an extended endorsement of a database compiled by The Bureau of Investigative Journalism, a small team of journalists based out of City University, London. In doing so, the report rejects the findings of two other widely cited databases, The Long War Journal, which reports 138 civilian deaths and New America Foundation’s Year of the Drone, which lists 152-191 civilian deaths and the deaths of 130-268 "unknowns."If the Stanford-NYU team wants to paint a picture of the U.S. as a human rights abuser, then the Bureau, whose casualty statistics dwarf the more conservative estimates of the other databases, is best suited to that purpose, but that does not make it the most reliable source.While a comprehensive assessment of the Bureau’s data should have been conducted before giving it a resounding endorsement, just a cursory review of its account of 2012’s drone strikes reveals problems:– On May 5, 2012 the Bureau reports that a strike in North Waziristan killed 8-10 people, of whom between zero and ten are listed as civilians. Upon reviewing the accompanying sources one find that early reports said the identity of the dead could not be determined, but subsequent reports from government officials identified them as militants. Of the 15 sources cited by the Bureau, not one states that the victims were civilians.-On June 2, 2012 the Bureau reports that 2-4 people were killed and between zero and two of them were civilians. These civilian deaths were inferred based on a report that a motorbike was accidentally hit, but the Bureau fails to take note of a later report from The Express Tribune identifying the motorbike victims as suspected militants Khalil Yargul Khail and Rehmanullah Gangi Khail.-On July 23, 2012 the Bureau references 25 sources for a drone strike, only one of which described the victims as local residents and based on this the Bureau reports that up to 14 civilians were killed.The Stanford-NYU report critiques the Long War Journal for not making its data available in a verifiable strike-by-strike format, over-relying on U.S. intelligence sources, and identifying all victims as militants unless they are specifically identified as civilians. These are reasonable criticisms, but when the critique turns to New America Foundation research, it becomes logically inconsistent.While Stanford-NYU researchers admit that all three databases rely on "the same universe of publicly available press reports," they criticize only the New America Foundation for over-relying on the anonymous Pakistani government officials cited in such news reports. The Stanford-NYU report laments that these officials are cited in 88% of articles referenced in New America’s 2012 data but fails to consider that these same articles are referenced by the Bureau. Furthermore, the only reason the researchers were able to generate that statistic is because New America compiles a highly transparent summary of media sources relied on for each strike with a list of which sources reported which casualty estimates, something no other database provides.The Stanford-NYU report goes on to question the "deep reporting" capabilities of New America’s sources (The New York Times, Reuters, AP, BBC, etc.) while uncritically accepting the veracity of reports from fringe outlets such as the Kuwait News Agency, the South Asian News Agency, Central Asia Online, and Punjab News, which are sometimes the sole sources for the Bureau’s reports of civilian casualties.This is not to suggest that the Bureau’s research is without merit, but it should be noted that it represents an interpretation of the facts with a bias toward reporting civilian casualties. The Bureau’s database does not even have a category for reporting militant deaths. It seems counter-intuitive that the organization’s researchers can have such absolute faith in their civilian casualty estimates, but not have the confidence to label any of the deceased as militants.And the Stanford-NYU team was not impartial. By the report’s own admission, the research project it undertook in Pakistan to interview family members of drone strike victims was commissioned by Reprieve, a UK based advocacy organization. Reprieve, which filed two lawsuits on behalf of alleged drone victims in May of 2012, arranged, paid for and collaborated on many of the victim interviews conducted by the Stanford-NYU researchers.No database is perfect, but a strong argument could be made that the New America Foundation’s policy of attempting to identify both militants and civilians while maintaining an explicit category for "unknowns" to represent the uncertainty surrounding many of the strikes is a more balanced representation of the facts. After all, if the public is to assess the efficacy of drone strikes then we need to consider the strikes that hit their targets as well as the ones that do not.Stanford and NYU’s analysis of the three drone databases, in some respects, misses the forest for the trees. A comparison of the annual data collected by the Bureau with that compiled by the New America Foundation suggests that while their numbers may differ, their underlying findings are substantially similar. Both the Bureau and New America have observed a general decline in the percentage of civilian fatalities since the high in 2006, with a sharp decrease during the Obama administration. According to the Bureau’s data, the proportion of civilians killed in drone strikes fell from 35 percent in 2008 under President Bush to 9 percent thus far in 2012. Similarly, New America reports that the rate of civilian and unknown casualties decreased from 23 percent in 2008 to 2 percent in 2012. This stands to reason when we consider that the Bureau tends to err on the side of assuming that unidentified dead or individuals of disputed identity are civilians, while New America prefers to accommodate ambiguity by listing "unknowns" and only reports a civilian or militant casualty when it is reported by two independent sources.If one takes the average number of civilian and unknown deaths counted by the New America Foundation from 2004-2012 as a percentage of the total number of people killed in drone strikes, the civilian and unknown deaths represent 15 percent of the total. The Bureau’s data suggests that civilian deaths account for 22 percent of the total killed. These numbers are in fact, not so very far apart. And while the Bureau has criticized New America for reporting that in 2012, civilian deaths are approaching zero, the Bureau’s own data suggests that the percentage of civilian casualties in 2012 is at nine percent, an all-time low and significantly less than the 23 percent the Bureau reports during Obama’s first year in office. This suggests that the choice is not between two very different data sets, but rather two different interpretations of similar evidence. Contrary to the Stanford-NYU report’s claims, the New America Foundation is not underreporting civilian casualties; its researchers have simply chosen not to feign certainty in the face of ambiguity.What They Didn’t SayThe Stanford-NYU researchers also fail to incorporate evidence that might temper their claims. Their report makes numerous references to an AP investigative report that interviewed 80 villagers at the sites of the ten deadliest attacks in 2011 and 2012 but neglects its conclusions that "a significant majority of the dead were combatants" and the numbers of casualties gathered by AP investigators "turned out to be very close to those given by Pakistani intelligence on the day of each strike."Numerous media accounts, including the LA Times, have highlighted that "the [Stanford-NYU] study concludes that only about 2 percent of drone casualties are top militant leaders." The study reached no such conclusion. This claim is based on research conducted by New America and published last month on CNN. While the Stanford-NYU report summarily dismissed New America’s militant and civilian casualty estimates, they have been quick to make this statistic a centerpiece of their argument. In doing so, they also take the conclusion out of context, and ignore the possible tactical utility of deliberately targeting low-level militants. Indeed, destroying communication centers, training camps and vehicles undermines the operational effectiveness of al-Qaeda and the Taliban, and quotes from operatives of the Pakistan-based Haqqani Network reveal that drones have forced them into a "jungle existence" where they fear for the lives on a daily basis.A second key contention of the Stanford-NYU report is that drone strikes are "damaging and counterproductive" to U.S. national security. However, it is shortsighted to evaluate U.S. security in isolation from Pakistani domestic order. Terrorist attacks have been a pervasive problem in Pakistan, especially since 2007. While the report references these attacks and the frequent assassinations carried out by Taliban forces, it makes no reference to recent research by an analyst at the RAND Corporation, who identifies a negative correlation between drone strikes and militant violence inside Pakistan, indicating that the rate of violence has gone down as the rate of drone strikes has gone up. Analysis by New America suggests that while only 10 percent of drone strikes target al-Qaeda operatives, approximately 50 percent hit Taliban targets and in 2009, 19 of the first 32 drone strikes targeted the organization of Baitullah Mehsud, the leader of the Pakistani Taliban who was ultimately responsible for the deaths of thousands of Pakistanis, and the alleged mastermind of the assassination of former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. Mehsud was a far greater threat to Pakistani security than that of the United States.Key FindingsThese criticisms are not to suggest that the Stanford-NYU report is without merit. The anecdotal evidence on the adverse mental health impact of drones, the economic hardships created by attacks and the restriction of movement caused by FATA residents’ anxiety about potential strikes are all valuable contributions to the public’s understanding of drones, as is the report’s succinct and cogent summary of some of the key legal issues. Both of these topics merit further research and the teams at Stanford and NYU seem well poised to continue contributing in these areas.However it would be a mistake to unequivocally accept all of the report’s conclusions or its stance on the civilian casualty debate. The U.S. government’s claims that civilian casualties from drone strikes during Obama’s term in office are in the single digits are manifestly untrue, but there is no need to overstate the rate of civilian deaths to make the point that drones strikes are legally suspect and morally hazardous.Meg Braun is a Rhodes Scholar and MPhil candidate in International Relations at Oxford, where she is researching the evolution of U.S. drone policy. She was an intern at the New America Foundation during summer 2012, where she worked to revise and update its drone database.

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SANTIAGO , CHILE - A former top Venezuelan security official says video reports from Sunday ' s drone attack on President Nicolas Maduro demonstrate serious shortcomings in the response of the bodyguards protecting the increasingly embattled leader . " Maduro ' s security was shown to be deficient , " said retired Venezuelan Vice Admiral Mario Carratu , who has headed security teams for previous Venezuelan presidents , in a telephone interview with VOA . " His bodyguards were slow to react and seemed to lack an evacuation plan for the president . " Carratu said video of the incident , in which two drones exploded near a reviewing stand without injuring Maduro , suggested the president ' s security detail did not have an effective evacuation plan in place . The former admiral ' s analysis dovetails with public comments from disaffected former Venezuelan military officers who have gone public with claims to have been responsible for the assassination attempt . " We showed that the regime is vulnerable . We didn ' t make it , but it ' s a matter of time before we do , " said Salvatore Lucchese , a former Caracas police chief now in exile . Venezuelan opposition activist Salvatore Lucchese Venezuelan opposition activist Salvatore Lucchese speaks during an interview with Reuters in Bogota , Colombia Aug . 6 , 2018 . Venezuelan opposition activist Salvatore Lucchese speaks during an interview with Reuters in Bogota , Colombia Aug . 6 , 2018 . Lucchese claimed to have been part of the plot in an interview with Reuters this week in which he called for an armed overthrow of Maduro ' s leftist regime . Maduro was addressing a ceremony of the paramilitary National Guard in central Caracas when he came under attack from two drones packed with explosives . The government claims that one of the drones was diverted electronically while the second crashed into a nearby apartment building . Carratu confirmed that Venezuela , a longtime ally of Cuba , has the technology to electronically penetrate and interfere with the electronic signals of aircraft . But he ridiculed claims made on Twitter by persons saying they were involved in the attack that the drones had been shot down with firearms . " Plastic explosives can ' t be detonated with bullets . They more likely exploded prematurely due to poor preparations by the hit team , " he said . Lucchese ' s claim of responsibility for the attack came Wednesday but could not be independently confirmed . Responsibility has been claimed by a confusing array of spokesmen purporting to represent former and active members of Venezuela ' s security services , going by various names including " The Resistance , " " Fenix Group " and " Soldiers in T Shirts . " Lucchese was jailed by the Venezuelan government in 2014 for refusing orders to suppress opposition protests in his city . He took up political activity upon his release in 2016 , when he objected to political negotiations with Maduro , but fled the country shortly afterward to avoid being arrested again . He did not reveal his location in the Reuters interview , but members of the Venezuelan government assert that he is in neighboring Colombia , a country that Maduro accuses of backing attempts to topple him . Exiled Venezuelan opposition journalist Patricia Poleo , long known for her close connections with the military , broadcast a statement from Miami that she claimed had been issued by officers in Venezuela . It said the officers were resorting to " armed struggle " because " the regime has consistently ignored the constitution . " Some opposition leaders have cast doubts on the claims of responsibility , suggesting instead that the attack was staged by the government to justify further repression . Julio Borges , president of the Venezuelan parliame Julio Borges , president of the Venezuelan parliament , arrives for a meeting with Ernesto Macias , president of Colombia ' s Senate , at the Congress in Bogota , Colombia , Aug . 8 , 2018 . Julio Borges , president of the Venezuelan parliament , arrives for a meeting with Ernesto Macias , president of Colombia ' s Senate , at the Congress in Bogota , Colombia , Aug . 8 , 2018 . The Maduro government this week has rounded up a half dozen military officers it accused of conducting the attacks and has issued arrest warrants for at least two opposition leaders , including congressional Speaker Julio Borges , who is in Colombia . Lucchese ' s police background crisscrossed with that of police lnspector Oscar Perez , who last year attacked Venezuela ' s Supreme Court from a helicopter with hand grenades and machine - gun fire . The attack came as the court ' s seven judges assumed the powers of parliament to allow Maduro to rule autocratically . Perez also machine - gunned a building housing Maduro ' s new handpicked national assembly , which had just ousted Attorney General Luisa Ortega for accusing Maduro of corruption and authoritarian rule . The Caracas metropolitan police , which has been largely dissolved by the Maduro government , maintained close links with opposition leaders . Lucchese was a member of the same Christian democratic First Justice party as Caracas Mayor Leopoldo Lopez , one of the most charismatic anti - government leaders who has been repeatedly imprisoned by Maduro . Perez was a subordinate to Lucchese in the police criminal investigations unit and the special operations brigade . He was killed by the new national secret police , SEBIN , whose forces used rocket - propelled grenades against his safe house when they raided it some months ago .

SANTIAGO, CHILE - A former top Venezuelan security official says video reports from Sunday's drone attack on President Nicolas Maduro demonstrate serious shortcomings in the response of the bodyguards protecting the increasingly embattled leader."Maduro's security was shown to be deficient," said retired Venezuelan Vice Admiral Mario Carratu, who has headed security teams for previous Venezuelan presidents, in a telephone interview with VOA. "His bodyguards were slow to react and seemed to lack an evacuation plan for the president."Carratu said video of the incident, in which two drones exploded near a reviewing stand without injuring Maduro, suggested the president's security detail did not have an effective evacuation plan in place.The former admiral's analysis dovetails with public comments from disaffected former Venezuelan military officers who have gone public with claims to have been responsible for the assassination attempt."We showed that the regime is vulnerable. We didn't make it, but it's a matter of time before we do," said Salvatore Lucchese, a former Caracas police chief now in exile.Venezuelan opposition activist Salvatore Lucchese Venezuelan opposition activist Salvatore Lucchese speaks during an interview with Reuters in Bogota, Colombia Aug. 6, 2018. Venezuelan opposition activist Salvatore Lucchese speaks during an interview with Reuters in Bogota, Colombia Aug. 6, 2018.Lucchese claimed to have been part of the plot in an interview with Reuters this week in which he called for an armed overthrow of Maduro's leftist regime.Maduro was addressing a ceremony of the paramilitary National Guard in central Caracas when he came under attack from two drones packed with explosives. The government claims that one of the drones was diverted electronically while the second crashed into a nearby apartment building.Carratu confirmed that Venezuela, a longtime ally of Cuba, has the technology to electronically penetrate and interfere with the electronic signals of aircraft. But he ridiculed claims made on Twitter by persons saying they were involved in the attack that the drones had been shot down with firearms."Plastic explosives can't be detonated with bullets. They more likely exploded prematurely due to poor preparations by the hit team," he said.Lucchese's claim of responsibility for the attack came Wednesday but could not be independently confirmed. Responsibility has been claimed by a confusing array of spokesmen purporting to represent former and active members of Venezuela's security services, going by various names including "The Resistance," "Fenix Group" and "Soldiers in T Shirts."Lucchese was jailed by the Venezuelan government in 2014 for refusing orders to suppress opposition protests in his city. He took up political activity upon his release in 2016, when he objected to political negotiations with Maduro, but fled the country shortly afterward to avoid being arrested again.He did not reveal his location in the Reuters interview, but members of the Venezuelan government assert that he is in neighboring Colombia, a country that Maduro accuses of backing attempts to topple him.Exiled Venezuelan opposition journalist Patricia Poleo, long known for her close connections with the military, broadcast a statement from Miami that she claimed had been issued by officers in Venezuela. It said the officers were resorting to "armed struggle" because "the regime has consistently ignored the constitution."Some opposition leaders have cast doubts on the claims of responsibility, suggesting instead that the attack was staged by the government to justify further repression.Julio Borges, president of the Venezuelan parliame Julio Borges, president of the Venezuelan parliament, arrives for a meeting with Ernesto Macias, president of Colombia's Senate, at the Congress in Bogota, Colombia, Aug. 8, 2018. Julio Borges, president of the Venezuelan parliament, arrives for a meeting with Ernesto Macias, president of Colombia's Senate, at the Congress in Bogota, Colombia, Aug. 8, 2018.The Maduro government this week has rounded up a half dozen military officers it accused of conducting the attacks and has issued arrest warrants for at least two opposition leaders, including congressional Speaker Julio Borges, who is in Colombia.Lucchese's police background crisscrossed with that of police lnspector Oscar Perez,who last year attacked Venezuela's Supreme Court from a helicopter with hand grenades and machine-gun fire. The attack came as the court's seven judges assumed the powers of parliament to allow Maduro to rule autocratically.Perez also machine-gunned a building housing Maduro's new handpicked national assembly, which had just ousted Attorney General Luisa Ortega for accusing Maduro of corruption and authoritarian rule.The Caracas metropolitan police, which has been largely dissolved by the Maduro government, maintained close links with opposition leaders. Lucchese was a member of the same Christian democratic First Justice party as Caracas Mayor Leopoldo Lopez, one of the most charismatic anti- government leaders who has been repeatedly imprisoned by Maduro.Perez was a subordinate to Lucchese in the police criminal investigations unit and the special operations brigade. He was killed by the new national secret police, SEBIN, whose forces used rocket-propelled grenades against his safe house when they raided it some months ago.

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1974 : Birmingham pub blasts kill 19 Bombs have devastated two central Birmingham pubs , killing 19 people and injuring over 180 . Police have said they believe the Provisional IRA planted the devices in the Mulberry Bush and the nearby Tavern in the Town . The explosions coincided with the return to Ireland of the body of James McDade , the IRA man who was killed in Coventry last week when the bomb he was planting blew up prematurely . The two blasts were only seconds apart and happened at about 2030 GMT , when the bars were packed with mainly teenage drinkers . Police attempted to clear both pubs , but the bombs went off only 12 minutes after a man with an Irish accent telephoned the Birmingham Post newspaper with a warning . The first attack was in the Mulberry Bush , which is located on the ground - floor of the 17 - storey Rotunda office block . ' Disastrous and appalling ' The second device exploded 50 - yards ( 45 . 7 m ) away in an underground bar , the Tavern in the Town . Michael Willis , 18 , was in the Tavern when the bomb went off . " I was going to put a record on the juke box when there was an explosion . " There were bodies everywhere and I had to clamber over them to get out - the screaming and groaning from the injured was terrifying , " he said . Many of the injured were ferried to nearby hospital in taxis and private cars , and dozens of ambulances from all over the West Midlands were called in . Assistant Chief Constable for West Midlands Police Maurice Buck said the carnage caused by the bombs was " disastrous and appalling " .

1974: Birmingham pub blasts kill 19Bombs have devastated two central Birmingham pubs, killing 19 people and injuring over 180.Police have said they believe the Provisional IRA planted the devices in the Mulberry Bush and the nearby Tavern in the Town.The explosions coincided with the return to Ireland of the body of James McDade, the IRA man who was killed in Coventry last week when the bomb he was planting blew up prematurely.The two blasts were only seconds apart and happened at about 2030 GMT, when the bars were packed with mainly teenage drinkers.Police attempted to clear both pubs, but the bombs went off only 12 minutes after a man with an Irish accent telephoned the Birmingham Post newspaper with a warning.The first attack was in the Mulberry Bush, which is located on the ground-floor of the 17-storey Rotunda office block.'Disastrous and appalling'The second device exploded 50-yards (45.7 m) away in an underground bar, the Tavern in the Town.Michael Willis, 18, was in the Tavern when the bomb went off."I was going to put a record on the juke box when there was an explosion."There were bodies everywhere and I had to clamber over them to get out - the screaming and groaning from the injured was terrifying," he said.Many of the injured were ferried to nearby hospital in taxis and private cars, and dozens of ambulances from all over the West Midlands were called in.Assistant Chief Constable for West Midlands Police Maurice Buck said the carnage caused by the bombs was "disastrous and appalling".

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Prosecutors Push Death Sentence for Boston Bomber Tsarnaev Nearly two weeks after convicting accused Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev of all 30 charges against him , jurors Tuesday heard reasons he should be put to death . U . S . prosecutors showed the 12 - member jury a photo of Tsarnaev giving the middle finger to a surveillance camera the day of his first court appearance in 2013 . " This is Dzhokhar Tsarnaev , " said Assistant U . S . Attorney Nadine Pellegrini . " Unconcerned , unrepentant and unchanged . " The 21 - year - old , an ethnic Chechen U . S . immigrant - turned - citizen , was found guilty of working with his older brother , Tamerlan , to carry out the April 15 , 2013 attack . The twin pressure cooker bombs they set off killed three people and wounded 264 . The two brothers also fatally shot a police officer as they tried to elude a massive police manhunt . The elder Tsarnaev was killed days after the bombings during their attempted escape . The court Tuesday was shown large photos of the four dead victims . " They were all beautiful , and they ' re all now gone , " said Pellegrini . She described the killings as " unbearable , indescribable , inexcusable and senseless , " labeling the younger Tsarnaev " America ' s worst nightmare . " Witnesses who lost limbs or loved ones in the bombings also were called to the stand , recounting the horror of the attack . Jurors must now determine whether Tsarnaev should be sentenced to death or life in prison . The penalty phase of the trial could last a month . If the jury does not agree unanimously on a death sentence , a life without parole sentence will be imposed automatically . Tsarnaev ' s attorneys , pushing for life behind bars , have argued that his radicalized older brother was the driving force behind the attack , and that Dzhokhar played a secondary role out of a sense of sibling loyalty . Some survivors and the parents of 8 - year - old Martin Richard , who died in the attack , also have lobbied publicly against a death sentence . " We know that the government has its reasons for seeking the death penalty , " Bill and Denise Richard wrote in an essay in The Boston Globe last week , " but the continued pursuit of that punishment could bring years of appeals and prolong the most painful day of our lives . " Over the past 15 years , only three people have been put to death by the federal government - Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh , drug smuggler Juan Raul Garza and kidnapper Louis Jones . Tsarnaev ' s lawyers acknowledged from the start of the federal trial that he was involved in the plot to detonate the bombs . But defense attorney Judy Clarke , who has successfully kept other notorious U . S . murder convicts off death row , told the jury at the end of the first phase of the trial , " If not for Tamerlan , it would not have happened . " The elder Tsarnaev died after being shot by police and inadvertently driven over by Dzhokhar as the two brothers attempted to flee the Boston area . Dzhokhar was later found hiding in a boat parked in the backyard of a suburban Boston home . Prosecutors say he scrawled a motive for the attack on the inside wall of the boat , writing that the brothers were trying to avenge American attacks on Muslims in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan .

Prosecutors Push Death Sentence for Boston Bomber TsarnaevNearly two weeks after convicting accused Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev of all 30 charges against him, jurors Tuesday heard reasons he should be put to death.U.S. prosecutors showed the 12-member jury a photo of Tsarnaev giving the middle finger to a surveillance camera the day of his first court appearance in 2013."This is Dzhokhar Tsarnaev," said Assistant U.S. Attorney Nadine Pellegrini. "Unconcerned, unrepentant and unchanged."The 21-year-old, an ethnic Chechen U.S. immigrant-turned-citizen, was found guilty of working with his older brother, Tamerlan, to carry out the April 15, 2013 attack. The twin pressure cooker bombs they set off killed three people and wounded 264. The two brothers also fatally shot a police officer as they tried to elude a massive police manhunt. The elder Tsarnaev was killed days after the bombings during their attempted escape.The court Tuesday was shown large photos of the four dead victims."They were all beautiful, and they're all now gone," said Pellegrini. She described the killings as "unbearable, indescribable, inexcusable and senseless," labeling the younger Tsarnaev "America's worst nightmare."Witnesses who lost limbs or loved ones in the bombings also were called to the stand, recounting the horror of the attack.Jurors must now determine whether Tsarnaev should be sentenced to death or life in prison. The penalty phase of the trial could last a month. If the jury does not agree unanimously on a death sentence, a life without parole sentence will be imposed automatically.Tsarnaev's attorneys, pushing for life behind bars, have argued that his radicalized older brother was the driving force behind the attack, and that Dzhokhar played a secondary role out of a sense of sibling loyalty.Some survivors and the parents of 8-year-old Martin Richard, who died in the attack, also have lobbied publicly against a death sentence."We know that the government has its reasons for seeking the death penalty," Bill and Denise Richard wrote in an essay in The Boston Globe last week, "but the continued pursuit of that punishment could bring years of appeals and prolong the most painful day of our lives."Over the past 15 years, only three people have been put to death by the federal government - Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, drug smuggler Juan Raul Garza and kidnapper Louis Jones. Tsarnaev's lawyers acknowledged from the start of the federal trial that he was involved in the plot to detonate the bombs. But defense attorney Judy Clarke, who has successfully kept other notorious U.S. murder convicts off death row, told the jury at the end of the first phase of the trial, "If not for Tamerlan, it would not have happened."The elder Tsarnaev died after being shot by police and inadvertently driven over by Dzhokhar as the two brothers attempted to flee the Boston area.Dzhokhar was later found hiding in a boat parked in the backyard of a suburban Boston home. Prosecutors say he scrawled a motive for the attack on the inside wall of the boat, writing that the brothers were trying to avenge American attacks on Muslims in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

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Boston Bomber Sentenced to Death Convicted Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev has been sentenced to death over the April 2013 attack that killed three people and wounded 264 others . A Boston jury , consisting of seven men and five women , reached the decision Friday in the penalty phase of the trial after deliberating for more than 14 hours over three days . The jury unanimously determined that , based on the " aggravating and mitigating circumstances , " Tsarnaev should be sentenced to death . Karen Snyder , right , and Kathryn Vanwie react to the announcement of the death penalty verdict for Dzhokhar Tsarnaev outside the John Joseph Moakley United States Courthouse in Boston , May 15 , 2015 . Unanimous decision The jury had to reach a unanimous decision for Tsarnaev to receive the death penatly . Otherwise , he would have spent the rest of his life in prison without parole . VOA ' s Fatima Tlisova reported from the courtroom that some of the jurors were crying as Tsarnaev sat with his head down . In a statement following the verdict , U . S . Attorney General Loretta Lynch accused Tsarnaev of " coldly and callously " perpetrating a terrorist attack . She said no verdict can " heal the souls of those who lost loved ones , nor the minds and bodies of those who suffered life - changing injuries . " But she said the death penalty is a " fitting punishment for this horrific crime " and said she hoped the case ' s completion brings closure to the victims and their families . U . S . Attorney Carmen Ortiz , who prosecuted the case , said at a news conference that the verdict was " fair and just . " She said Tsarnaev believed in an ideology of hate and expressed that ideology by killing and maiming Americans , noting that he will " pay with his life . " Vincent Lisi , the FBI special agent in charge of the case , said the bombing victims motivated and inspired the investigators every day . Tsarnaev , 21 , was found guilty last month of all 30 terrorism and other charges . Of those , 17 carried the possibility of the death penalty . Jurors ' deliberations Jurors were required to fill out a lengthy , complicated verdict form that asked them to make findings on 12 aggravating factors prosecutors said support a death sentence and 21 mitigating factors Tsarnaev ' s lawyers said instead support a sentence of life in prison . The jurors then had to weigh any mitigating factors against any aggravating ones to determine Tsarnaev ' s sentence . During the penalty phase of the judicial proceedings , prosecutors brushed off defense arguments that Tsarnaev was under the strong influence of his older , radicalized brother , Tamerlan , who was killed in a police shootout . They said even though he was only 19 at the time of the marathon bombing , Dzhokhar Tsarnaev was old enough to know right from wrong , and he wanted to avenge U . S . wars in Iran and Afghanistan . The Boston Marathon bombing was one of the bloodiest terrorist attacks in the United States since September 11 , 2001 . Two pressure - cooker bombs packed with shrapnel exploded near the marathon finish line on April 15 , 2013 . The Tsarnaev brothers also killed a Massachusetts Institute of Technology police officer days later . Mike Eckel and Mike Richman contributed to this report from Washington . Some material came from The Associated Press .

Boston Bomber Sentenced to DeathConvicted Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev has been sentenced to death over the April 2013 attack that killed three people and wounded 264 others.A Boston jury, consisting of seven men and five women, reached the decision Friday in the penalty phase of the trial after deliberating for more than 14 hours over three days. The jury unanimously determined that, based on the "aggravating and mitigating circumstances," Tsarnaev should be sentenced to death.Karen Snyder, right, and Kathryn Vanwie react to the announcement of the death penalty verdict for Dzhokhar Tsarnaev outside the John Joseph Moakley United States Courthouse in Boston, May 15, 2015.Unanimous decisionThe jury had to reach a unanimous decision for Tsarnaev to receive the death penatly. Otherwise, he would have spent the rest of his life in prison without parole.VOA's Fatima Tlisova reported from the courtroom that some of the jurors were crying as Tsarnaev sat with his head down.In a statement following the verdict, U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch accused Tsarnaev of "coldly and callously" perpetrating a terrorist attack. She said no verdict can "heal the souls of those who lost loved ones, nor the minds and bodies of those who suffered life-changing injuries."But she said the death penalty is a "fitting punishment for this horrific crime" and said she hoped the case's completion brings closure to the victims and their families.U.S. Attorney Carmen Ortiz, who prosecuted the case, said at a news conference that the verdict was "fair and just." She said Tsarnaev believed in an ideology of hate and expressed that ideology by killing and maiming Americans, noting that he will "pay with his life."Vincent Lisi, the FBI special agent in charge of the case, said the bombing victims motivated and inspired the investigators every day.Tsarnaev, 21, was found guilty last month of all 30 terrorism and other charges. Of those, 17 carried the possibility of the death penalty.Jurors' deliberationsJurors were required to fill out a lengthy, complicated verdict form that asked them to make findings on 12 aggravating factors prosecutors said support a death sentence and 21 mitigating factors Tsarnaev's lawyers said instead support a sentence of life in prison.The jurors then had to weigh any mitigating factors against any aggravating ones to determine Tsarnaev's sentence.During the penalty phase of the judicial proceedings, prosecutors brushed off defense arguments that Tsarnaev was under the strong influence of his older, radicalized brother, Tamerlan, who was killed in a police shootout.They said even though he was only 19 at the time of the marathon bombing, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev was old enough to know right from wrong, and he wanted to avenge U.S. wars in Iran and Afghanistan.The Boston Marathon bombing was one of the bloodiest terrorist attacks in the United States since September 11, 2001.Two pressure-cooker bombs packed with shrapnel exploded near the marathon finish line on April 15, 2013. The Tsarnaev brothers also killed a Massachusetts Institute of Technology police officer days later.Mike Eckel and Mike Richman contributed to this report from Washington. Some material came from The Associated Press.

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CARACAS , Venezuela -- Venezuela ' s chief prosecutor ' s office is reporting three deaths on the day of a controversial vote for a constituent assembly that opposition leaders fear will trigger the end of democracy in Venezuela . The office tweeted that 28 - year - old Angelo Mendez and 39 - year - old Eduardo Olave were killed at a protest Sunday in Merida . Thirty - year - old Ricardo Campos was killed in a separate incident in Sucre . Few details were provided on the deaths . Leaders with the opposition Democratic Action party on Twitter identified Campos as the group ' s youth secretary in Sucre , a state in northern Venezuela east of the nation ' s capital . Get Breaking News Delivered to Your Inbox The deaths bring the total to at least 122 killed in nearly four months of political upheaval . Demonstrators watch a barricade burn after clashes broke out while the Constituent Assembly election is being carried out in Caracas , Venezuela , on Sun . , July 30 , 2017 . Reuters Meanwhile , Venezuelans appeared to be abstaining in massive numbers on Sunday in a show of silent protest against a vote to select a constitutional assembly giving the government virtually unlimited powers . Associated Press journalists toured more than two dozen polling places in neighborhoods across the capital , including many traditional strongholds of the ruling socialist party in southern and western Caracas . Virtually all the polling places saw hours - long lines of thousands of people in past elections over the last two decades of socialist government . One site , a sports and cultural complex known as the Poliedro , had several thousand people waiting about two hours to vote , many having traveled from opposition - dominated neighborhoods where polling places were closed . Of the dozens of others sites seen by the AP , two in the loyalist - heavy neighborhood of El Valle had lines of approximately 200 to 400 people . All the others had at most a couple of dozen voters , and many had less than a half - dozen or were completely empty . Opinion polls say more than 70 percent of the country is opposed to Sunday ' s vote . " People aren ' t in agreement with this , " said Daniel Ponza , a 33 - year - old drywall contractor , as he watched a few dozen people outside a polling place in El Valle . " People are dying of hunger , looking for food in the trash . And I think this is just going to make things worse . " Sunday evening , U . S . ambassador to the United Nations sent a message on Twitter calling the Venezuela election a " sham " and " step toward dictatorship " : Maduro ’ s sham election is another step toward dictatorship . We won ' t accept an illegit govt . The Venezuelan ppl & democracy will prevail . — Nikki Haley ( @ nikkihaley ) July 30 , 2017 In opposition - dominated eastern Caracas , riot police used tear gas to stop protesters from gathering for a march on the capital ' s main highway . At least three police were wounded when one of their motorcycles detonated in a powerful explosion . The cause of the explosion was not immediately clear . After voting at dawn , President Nicolas Maduro called for international acceptance of what he called his government ' s fight against a violent opposition trying to sabotage his administration . Motorcycles burn after clashes broke out while the Constituent Assembly election was being carried out in Caracas , Venezuela , on Sun . , July 30 , 2017 . Reuters The run - up to the vote has been marked by months of clashes between protesters and the government that have left at least 116 dead and nearly 2 , 000 wounded . A 61 - year - old nurse was fatally shot by men accused of being pro - government paramilitaries during a protest at a church a few hundred feet from the school where Maduro voted . " We ' ve stoically withstood the terrorist , criminal violence , " Maduro said . " Hopefully the world will respectfully extend its arms toward our country . " In an unusual moment this morning when Maduro cast his own ballot on state - controlled national television , his national ID card was to be scanned . He intended to make a statement that his vote was counted and said : " We are going to verify my national ID card so that the record shows that I came to vote and my ID card will show this for posterity , that I voted on this historic day of the constituent assembly of July 30th . " Nicolas Maduro having his national ID card scanned . Reuters When the female official of the National Electoral Council ( CNE ) proceeds to use a smartphone to scan Maduro ' s card , a second camera zooms in to reveal that according to CNE ' s own system , that " person does not exist , or the card has been revoked . " After scanning Maduro ' s national ID card , the smartphone read : " person does not exist , or the card has been revoked . " Reuters Maduro appears livid but doesn ' t acknowledge the misshap , pauses for a second and then grabs his wife ' s ID card for scanning . Social media was abuzz with the misshap , which fanned the flames of speculation about the place of birth of the socialist president , whose mother is rumored to be a Colombian national . Following an opposition - mandated special commission investigation into the matter , the socialist - majority Supreme Court issued a ruling last October that stated that Maduro had been born in Caracas in 1962 , but did not produce a birth certificate . Some opposition leaders continue to sustain that they have proof that Maduro was born a Colombian national , which would make him constitutionally ineligible to occupy the presidency . Maduro ' s highly vocal critic and former president of Colombia ridiculed Maduro in a tweet that reads : " My fellow countryman , didn ' t they let you vote ? " Paisano ¿ No te dejaron votar ? https : / / t . co / ouVWI4eMtS — Andrés Pastrana A ( @ AndresPastrana_ ) July 30 , 2017 Despite that hiccup , the opposition is boycotting Sunday ' s vote , contending the election has been structured to ensure Maduro ' s socialist party continues to dominate . So all 5 , 500 candidates for the 545 seats in the constituent assembly are his supporters and the vote ' s success is being measured by turnout . The government is encouraging participation with tactics that include offering social benefits like subsidized food to the poor and threatening state workers ' jobs if they don ' t vote . " I ' m here because I ' m hoping for housing , " said Luisa Marquez , a 46 - year - old hairdresser . Others said they were there out of conviction that the constitutional assembly would help the government fend off what they called an international capitalist conspiracy to undermine Venezuela ' s socialist system with the help of the domestic opposition . " The crisis , the shortages of food and medicine , that isn ' t the government ' s fault , " said Luis Osuna , a 42 - year - old private bodyguard . " Those who are attacking us to kill us with hunger and blame the government are the same enemies the government ' s always had . " Women shout slogans during a protest held by Venezuelans in Spain against Venezuela ' s Constituent Assembly election , in Madrid , Spain , on July 30 , 2017 . Reuters Once one of Latin America ' s wealthiest nations , Venezuela has spiraled into a devastating crisis during Maduro ' s four years in power , thanks to plunging oil prices and widespread corruption and mismanagement . Inflation and homicide rates are among the world ' s highest and widespread shortages of food and medicine have citizens dying of preventable illnesses and rooting through trash to feed themselves . The special assembly being selected Sunday will have powers to rewrite the country ' s 1999 constitution but will also have powers above and beyond other state institutions , including the opposition - controlled congress . While opinion polls say a vast majority oppose him , Maduro made clear in a televised address Saturday evening that he intends to use the assembly to govern without limitation , describing the vote as " the election of a power that ' s above and beyond every other . " He said he wants the assembly to strip opposition legislators of their constitutional immunity from prosecution and indicated he eager to prosecute many more members of the opposition parties that control a handful of state governments along with the National Assembly , providing one of the few remaining checks on the power of the socialist party that has ruled this OPEC nation for nearly two decades . " The right wing already has its prison cell waiting , " the president said . " All the criminals will go to prison for the crimes they ' ve committed . " Saying the assembly will begin to govern within a week , Maduro said its first task in rewriting the constitution will be " a total transformation " of the office of Venezuela ' s chief prosecutor , a former government loyalist who has become the highest - ranking official to publicly split from the president . The Trump administration has imposed successive rounds of sanctions on high - ranking members of Maduro ' s administration , with the support of countries including Mexico , Colombia and Panama . Vice President Mike Pence promised on Friday that the U . S . would take " strong and swift economic actions " if the vote went ahead . He didn ' t say whether the U . S . would sanction Venezuelan oil imports , a measure with the potential to undermine Maduro but cause an even deeper humanitarian crisis here . Maduro ' s supporters on the Supreme Court set off the protests and clashes between police and demonstrator when they tried to strip the National Assembly of its powers in April . Most of the dead have been protesters apparently shot by police and government - linked paramilitaries . The opposition has organized a series of work stoppages as well as a July 16 protest vote that it said drew more than 7 . 5 million symbolic votes against the constitutional assembly .

CARACAS, Venezuela -- Venezuela's chief prosecutor's office is reporting three deaths on the day of a controversial vote for a constituent assembly that opposition leaders fear will trigger the end of democracy in Venezuela.The office tweeted that 28-year-old Angelo Mendez and 39-year-old Eduardo Olave were killed at a protest Sunday in Merida. Thirty-year-old Ricardo Campos was killed in a separate incident in Sucre.Few details were provided on the deaths.Leaders with the opposition Democratic Action party on Twitter identified Campos as the group's youth secretary in Sucre, a state in northern Venezuela east of the nation's capital.Get Breaking News Delivered to Your InboxThe deaths bring the total to at least 122 killed in nearly four months of political upheaval.Demonstrators watch a barricade burn after clashes broke out while the Constituent Assembly election is being carried out in Caracas, Venezuela, on Sun., July 30, 2017. ReutersMeanwhile, Venezuelans appeared to be abstaining in massive numbers on Sunday in a show of silent protest against a vote to select a constitutional assembly giving the government virtually unlimited powers.Associated Press journalists toured more than two dozen polling places in neighborhoods across the capital, including many traditional strongholds of the ruling socialist party in southern and western Caracas. Virtually all the polling places saw hours-long lines of thousands of people in past elections over the last two decades of socialist government.One site, a sports and cultural complex known as the Poliedro, had several thousand people waiting about two hours to vote, many having traveled from opposition-dominated neighborhoods where polling places were closed. Of the dozens of others sites seen by the AP, two in the loyalist-heavy neighborhood of El Valle had lines of approximately 200 to 400 people. All the others had at most a couple of dozen voters, and many had less than a half-dozen or were completely empty.Opinion polls say more than 70 percent of the country is opposed to Sunday's vote."People aren't in agreement with this," said Daniel Ponza, a 33-year-old drywall contractor, as he watched a few dozen people outside a polling place in El Valle. "People are dying of hunger, looking for food in the trash. And I think this is just going to make things worse."Sunday evening, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations sent a message on Twitter calling the Venezuela election a "sham" and "step toward dictatorship":Maduro’s sham election is another step toward dictatorship. We won't accept an illegit govt. The Venezuelan ppl & democracy will prevail. — Nikki Haley (@nikkihaley) July 30, 2017In opposition-dominated eastern Caracas, riot police used tear gas to stop protesters from gathering for a march on the capital's main highway. At least three police were wounded when one of their motorcycles detonated in a powerful explosion. The cause of the explosion was not immediately clear.After voting at dawn, President Nicolas Maduro called for international acceptance of what he called his government's fight against a violent opposition trying to sabotage his administration.Motorcycles burn after clashes broke out while the Constituent Assembly election was being carried out in Caracas, Venezuela, on Sun., July 30, 2017. ReutersThe run-up to the vote has been marked by months of clashes between protesters and the government that have left at least 116 dead and nearly 2,000 wounded. A 61-year-old nurse was fatally shot by men accused of being pro-government paramilitaries during a protest at a church a few hundred feet from the school where Maduro voted."We've stoically withstood the terrorist, criminal violence," Maduro said. "Hopefully the world will respectfully extend its arms toward our country."In an unusual moment this morning when Maduro cast his own ballot on state-controlled national television, his national ID card was to be scanned. He intended to make a statement that his vote was counted and said: "We are going to verify my national ID card so that the record shows that I came to vote and my ID card will show this for posterity, that I voted on this historic day of the constituent assembly of July 30th."Nicolas Maduro having his national ID card scanned. ReutersWhen the female official of the National Electoral Council (CNE) proceeds to use a smartphone to scan Maduro's card, a second camera zooms in to reveal that according to CNE's own system, that "person does not exist, or the card has been revoked."After scanning Maduro's national ID card, the smartphone read: "person does not exist, or the card has been revoked." ReutersMaduro appears livid but doesn't acknowledge the misshap, pauses for a second and then grabs his wife's ID card for scanning.Social media was abuzz with the misshap, which fanned the flames of speculation about the place of birth of the socialist president, whose mother is rumored to be a Colombian national. Following an opposition-mandated special commission investigation into the matter, the socialist-majority Supreme Court issued a ruling last October that stated that Maduro had been born in Caracas in 1962, but did not produce a birth certificate.Some opposition leaders continue to sustain that they have proof that Maduro was born a Colombian national, which would make him constitutionally ineligible to occupy the presidency.Maduro's highly vocal critic and former president of Colombia ridiculed Maduro in a tweet that reads: "My fellow countryman, didn't they let you vote?"Paisano ¿ No te dejaron votar? https://t.co/ouVWI4eMtS — Andrés Pastrana A (@AndresPastrana_) July 30, 2017Despite that hiccup, the opposition is boycotting Sunday's vote, contending the election has been structured to ensure Maduro's socialist party continues to dominate. So all 5,500 candidates for the 545 seats in the constituent assembly are his supporters and the vote's success is being measured by turnout.The government is encouraging participation with tactics that include offering social benefits like subsidized food to the poor and threatening state workers' jobs if they don't vote."I'm here because I'm hoping for housing," said Luisa Marquez, a 46-year-old hairdresser.Others said they were there out of conviction that the constitutional assembly would help the government fend off what they called an international capitalist conspiracy to undermine Venezuela's socialist system with the help of the domestic opposition."The crisis, the shortages of food and medicine, that isn't the government's fault," said Luis Osuna, a 42-year-old private bodyguard. "Those who are attacking us to kill us with hunger and blame the government are the same enemies the government's always had."Women shout slogans during a protest held by Venezuelans in Spain against Venezuela's Constituent Assembly election, in Madrid, Spain, on July 30, 2017. ReutersOnce one of Latin America's wealthiest nations, Venezuela has spiraled into a devastating crisis during Maduro's four years in power, thanks to plunging oil prices and widespread corruption and mismanagement. Inflation and homicide rates are among the world's highest and widespread shortages of food and medicine have citizens dying of preventable illnesses and rooting through trash to feed themselves.The special assembly being selected Sunday will have powers to rewrite the country's 1999 constitution but will also have powers above and beyond other state institutions, including the opposition-controlled congress.While opinion polls say a vast majority oppose him, Maduro made clear in a televised address Saturday evening that he intends to use the assembly to govern without limitation, describing the vote as "the election of a power that's above and beyond every other."He said he wants the assembly to strip opposition legislators of their constitutional immunity from prosecution and indicated he eager to prosecute many more members of the opposition parties that control a handful of state governments along with the National Assembly, providing one of the few remaining checks on the power of the socialist party that has ruled this OPEC nation for nearly two decades."The right wing already has its prison cell waiting," the president said. "All the criminals will go to prison for the crimes they've committed."Saying the assembly will begin to govern within a week, Maduro said its first task in rewriting the constitution will be "a total transformation" of the office of Venezuela's chief prosecutor, a former government loyalist who has become the highest-ranking official to publicly split from the president.The Trump administration has imposed successive rounds of sanctions on high-ranking members of Maduro's administration, with the support of countries including Mexico, Colombia and Panama. Vice President Mike Pence promised on Friday that the U.S. would take "strong and swift economic actions" if the vote went ahead. He didn't say whether the U.S. would sanction Venezuelan oil imports, a measure with the potential to undermine Maduro but cause an even deeper humanitarian crisis here.Maduro's supporters on the Supreme Court set off the protests and clashes between police and demonstrator when they tried to strip the National Assembly of its powers in April. Most of the dead have been protesters apparently shot by police and government-linked paramilitaries.The opposition has organized a series of work stoppages as well as a July 16 protest vote that it said drew more than 7.5 million symbolic votes against the constitutional assembly.

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Roadside bomb kills 15 civilians in northern Afghanistan Officials say families were on their way to a wedding party when their vehicle hit an improvised explosive device . At least 15 Afghan civilians , including six women and eight children , were killed when their vehicle hit a roadside bomb in Afghanistan ‘ s northern Kunduz province . Mahbubullah Sayedi , district chief of Imam Sahib , which was the scene of heavy fighting between government forces and Taliban fighters in recent months , said the incident occurred on a main road . “ The families were on their way to a wedding ceremony when , unfortunately , their vehicle hit a roadside bomb that killed them , ” Sayedi said . The provincial governor , Abdul Jabar Naeemi , said the area where the incident happened is controlled by the Taliban , whom he blamed for the tragedy . Elsewhere in the country , local media reported at least 13 civilians were wounded in a car bomb explosion in Sar - e - Pul province . Quoting Noor Agha Faizi , spokesman for the Sar - e - Pul police , TOLO News said the explosion took place as the “ Taliban were trying to move a car full of explosives to the centre of the province . ” As the conflict between the foreign - backed Afghan government forces and Taliban fighters has dragged on for more than 18 years , civilians continue to bear the brunt of war with record numbers of casualties . At least 3 , 812 civilians were killed and wounded in the first half of this year in violent incidents across the country . In the same period , 144 women and 327 children were killed and more than 1 , 000 more wounded , the UN said . Pro - government forces killed 717 Afghans and wounded 680 in the six months to June 30 – a 31 percent increase from 2018 .

Roadside bomb kills 15 civilians in northern AfghanistanOfficials say families were on their way to a wedding party when their vehicle hit an improvised explosive device.At least 15 Afghan civilians, including six women and eight children, were killed when their vehicle hit a roadside bomb in Afghanistan‘s northern Kunduz province.Mahbubullah Sayedi, district chief of Imam Sahib, which was the scene of heavy fighting between government forces and Taliban fighters in recent months, said the incident occurred on a main road.“The families were on their way to a wedding ceremony when, unfortunately, their vehicle hit a roadside bomb that killed them,” Sayedi said.The provincial governor, Abdul Jabar Naeemi, said the area where the incident happened is controlled by the Taliban, whom he blamed for the tragedy.Elsewhere in the country, local media reported at least 13 civilians were wounded in a car bomb explosion in Sar-e-Pul province.Quoting Noor Agha Faizi, spokesman for the Sar-e-Pul police, TOLO News said the explosion took place as the “Taliban were trying to move a car full of explosives to the centre of the province.”As the conflict between the foreign-backed Afghan government forces and Taliban fighters has dragged on for more than 18 years, civilians continue to bear the brunt of war with record numbers of casualties.At least 3,812 civilians were killed and wounded in the first half of this year in violent incidents across the country.In the same period, 144 women and 327 children were killed and more than 1,000 more wounded, the UN said.Pro-government forces killed 717 Afghans and wounded 680 in the six months to June 30 – a 31 percent increase from 2018.

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London has been rocked by a second bomb in a busy market area in a week , injuring five people in the East End . The device exploded in Brick Lane , the centre of one of the capital ' s biggest Bangladeshi communities and a popular Saturday market . Surrounding buildings and two cars were severely damaged . Local people said rumours of bomb threats had been sweeping the Brick Lane area all week . Police are linking the explosion with last Saturday ' s bomb in Brixton which injured 39 people . Responsibility for that bomb has been claimed by four racists groups . Deputy Assistant Commissioner Alan Fry , head of anti - terrorist branch , said : " The device has similarities to the device that exploded in Brixton with terrible consequences last Saturday . I am linking the crimes . We are treating this as a racist offence . " Prime Minister Tony Blair , speaking in Washington where he is attending a Nato summit said : " These things are outrageous and we will not tolerate them and we will make every effort to find out those responsible and bring them to justice . " A spokesman for The Royal London Hospital at Whitechapel , close to the scene of the explosion , said it had treated five casualties from the blast , two women and three men , all middle - aged . Superintendent David Finnimore said he believed a man was driving the device to Brick Lane police station , a local office closed at weekends , when it went off . Amazingly , the man suffered only slight injuries . The blast destroyed a green Volvo and a maroon Ford Sierra . Police cordoned off the area and evacuated hundreds of people before checking under rows of parked cars in case there were any more devices primed to go off . Louise Allan , 29 , of New Zealand , was 20 metres away when the bomb went off . She said : " We were sitting in Brick Lane and I heard a hollow sound and I said to my friend that it sounded like a bomb . We went down the road and saw smoke . The whole of the road was filled with thick black smoke . " A Tower Hamlets councillor told how he ran to the scene after hearing the blast . Raja Miah said : " When I got there it looked like a scene from a war zone . I saw a car ablaze with pieces of shrapnel and debris all over the place . I saw several people with blood from glass injuries on their face . "

London has been rocked by a second bomb in a busy market area in a week, injuring five people in the East End.The device exploded in Brick Lane, the centre of one of the capital's biggest Bangladeshi communities and a popular Saturday market. Surrounding buildings and two cars were severely damaged. Local people said rumours of bomb threats had been sweeping the Brick Lane area all week.Police are linking the explosion with last Saturday's bomb in Brixton which injured 39 people. Responsibility for that bomb has been claimed by four racists groups.Deputy Assistant Commissioner Alan Fry, head of anti-terrorist branch, said: "The device has similarities to the device that exploded in Brixton with terrible consequences last Saturday. I am linking the crimes. We are treating this as a racist offence."Prime Minister Tony Blair, speaking in Washington where he is attending a Nato summit said: "These things are outrageous and we will not tolerate them and we will make every effort to find out those responsible and bring them to justice."A spokesman for The Royal London Hospital at Whitechapel, close to the scene of the explosion, said it had treated five casualties from the blast, two women and three men, all middle-aged.Superintendent David Finnimore said he believed a man was driving the device to Brick Lane police station, a local office closed at weekends, when it went off. Amazingly, the man suffered only slight injuries. The blast destroyed a green Volvo and a maroon Ford Sierra.Police cordoned off the area and evacuated hundreds of people before checking under rows of parked cars in case there were any more devices primed to go off.Louise Allan, 29, of New Zealand, was 20 metres away when the bomb went off. She said: "We were sitting in Brick Lane and I heard a hollow sound and I said to my friend that it sounded like a bomb. We went down the road and saw smoke. The whole of the road was filled with thick black smoke."A Tower Hamlets councillor told how he ran to the scene after hearing the blast. Raja Miah said: "When I got there it looked like a scene from a war zone. I saw a car ablaze with pieces of shrapnel and debris all over the place. I saw several people with blood from glass injuries on their face."

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